Ursula Masson

by Laura Bray

You may have seen Keith Lewis-Jones’ piece on this blog about Ursula Masson (https://www.merthyr-history.com/?p=5547), who is cited in a purple plaque outside the library, and wondered who is.  She was, in fact, one of those people who had a large, but quiet, effect on the prominence of Welsh women’s history in the 20th century, so I wanted to expand on Keith’s excellent but brief citation, as we should know more about Ursula and be rightly proud of this child of Merthyr.

Ursula was born into the Irish community of Merthyr in 1945, attending Cyfarthfa Grammar School and then Cardiff University. She went on to do her Master’s degree in Keele University, the subject of which was the history of the Irish in Merthyr.

Following her Master’s degree, Ursula worked as a journalist in South Wales and Australia, before returning to teach adults in Swansea. In 1994 she became a lecturer in history at the University of Glamorgan, and it was here that she became known for her pioneering work in the social and political history of women in Wales. She co-founded the Women’s Archive Wales (Archif Menywod Cymru) in 1998, was a committee member of the South-West Group of the Women’s History Network (later renamed South West and Wales Group), and co-edited Llafur, the journal of Llafur: The Welsh People’s History Society. She encouraged and and promoted a series of Wales Women’s History Roadshows, where people were invited to bring material relating to the social history of women’s lives; edited the Aberdare Women’s Liberal Association 1891–1910 papers, and became involved in Honno Welsh Women’s Press. Much of this material has been copied and saved for the nation in the People’s Collection Wales.

Janet Aaron, of Honno, remembers her fondly:

“Ursula edited and introduced 2 volumes in the Welsh Women’s Classics series, an autobiographical volume by the pioneering Welsh socialist Elizabeth Andrews, A Woman’s Work is Never Done, which was published in the series in 2006, and an anthology of Welsh women’s political writing, The Very Salt of life: Welsh Women’s Political Writings from Chartism to Suffrage, which she co-edited with myself, and which was published by Honno in 2007. I enclose above reproductions of the covers of the two books, and a photograph of Ursula at the launch of A Woman’s Work is Never Done which was held in what is now the Senedd building.

Ursula’s contribution to each volume was considerable: as well as writing introductions to both, she included in the Andrews’ volume a number of articles by Andrews as well as the autobiographical text itself, and nobody but her could have found all the material republished in The Very Salt of Life, particularly the suffragette material. Many previously forgotten political women, who contributed significantly to the advance of women in Wales, feature in that volume.”

 

Sadly, Ursula became very unwell during 2001, but not being one to give up she continued her research, completing a doctorate entitled For Women, for Wales and for Liberalism: Women in Liberal Politics in Wales, 1880–1914, which was published posthumously by the University of Wales Press. She died in 2008, but her legacy remains: the public Ursula Masson Memorial Lecture on the subject of gender studies is given annually at the Centre for Gender Studies in Wales at University of South Wales; as is the annual Ursula Masson Memorial Prize  for the best undergraduate dissertation in women’s or gender history.

So next time you pass the library, stop and look at the plaque – and remember one of Merthyr’s forgotten heroines.

The Perils of Shell-fish

The following report is transcribed from the Evening Express dated 24 September 1903, 120 years today…..

COCKLES & MUSSELS

Cause Enteric Fever at Merthyr

REPORT BY THE MEDICAL OFFICER.

At a meeting of the health committee of the Merthyr Urban District Council yesterday, Mr. T. E. Morgan presiding, Dr. D. J. Thomas submitted a preliminary report upon an outbreak of enteric fever in the district. Up to the end of August the number of cases notified had been 40. During the week ended September 5 fourteen cases were notified. Eighteen cases were notified during the week ended September 12, and 56 during the week ended September 19. The number of houses affected was 75. Between September 1 and September 19 no deaths occurred from the disease. Of the total number notified between these dates, 48 were removed to hospital.

The cases were too evenly distributed between the two sexes for the outbreak to bear any relation to occupation. Visits of inspection to the premises affected had disclosed no gross sanitary defects. All the houses concerned were supplied with water from the council’s supply. This water was above suspicion.

There remained two other sources of infection-milk or some other article of food. The houses involved were supplied with milk from 40 different sources, and it might be concluded that the outbreak could not be traced to milk. With one exception, the milk was obtained in the immediate neighbourhood. The premises of all the milk vendors had been visited and inquiries made as to any cases of illness, etc., on the premises or amongst the employees.

The other food supply to which attention would naturally be directed was shell-fish. This kind of food had been proved on many occasions to be the cause of outbreaks of enteric fever. Of the total number notified five were secondary cases. In three instances the disease had been imported into the district. One of these had been at Llanstephan from August 5 to August 22, and was taken ill on September 6. The second hall been at Goodwick from August 8 to August 29, and was taken ill on August 30, It was more than probable that both these cases had contracted the disease away from this district. The third case came from Aberdare on September 5, and was suffering from the disease when he arrived here. There remained 83 cases. It had been found that 64 of these bad partaken of shell-fish about a fortnight previous to the outset of symptoms.

In an industrial district like this, these figures would not in themselves be conclusive, as a large majority of the population were partakers of this form of food. But when the replies were analysed it was found that no less than 54 of the persons attacked had obtained their shell-fish from one source. Taking first of all the history of these 54 persons, it was ascertained that with three exceptions they first exhibited symptoms of the disease between August 28 and September 1. Two were taken ill on September 6, and one on September 4. As the incubation period of enteric fever was usually about fourteen days, the contamination occurred about the middle of August. A sample of the shell-fish was taken for bacteriological examination on September 12, but the result would not materially assist them, as the conditions existing in the middle of September might be very different from those that prevailed in the middle of August.

As the analyses were not considered satisfactory inquiries were made at the viilages where the shell-fish had been gathered. It was found that no case of enteric fever had occurred there recently. It must, therefore, be concluded that the contamination took place after arrival in the district.

Mrs. ———- had one consignment of cockles and mussels a week. The cockles were shelled at the seaside, and in that form they were popularly called “rhython.” They arrived in sacks on a Thursday evening or Friday morning, were washed and cleaned so as to get rid of the brine on a Friday, and taken in baskets to the market on a Saturday.

On September 4 Mr. ———- was suffering from enteric fever. The history he gave of his illness was fairly definite. He had been confined to his bed since August 21, but had been ill suffering from diarrhoea for eight or nine days previous to that date, so that his illness really dated from August 12 or 13. On August 13 a consignment of cockles and mussels arrived at the house. On the following day they underwent the usual process of washing and cleaning, and on August 15 they were sold in the market. The cleaning was mostly done by the wife, but the husband also assisted. To what extent and the nature of assistance rendered by him on August 14 could not be precisely ascertained.

All the persons referred to above bought the cockles on August 15. In some instances it was the only occasion upon which they had eaten shellfish for months. It was difficult to ascertain the true history in many instances, and the figures given above referred only to those persons who distinctly recollected to have bought the cockles on the 15th of August. There remained 29 cases whose infection could not be traced to this source, but it was a general experience for cases to arise during the epidemic where the source of infection remained obscure, and was, probably, independent of the epidemic cause.

Moreover, then there was the possibility that an error in diagnosis might have been made in some of these cases, as four of the persons admitted into the hospital were found not to be suffering from the disease. At any rate, the source of the infection of those remaining cases had not yet been definitely traced.

The Chairman said that the matter had been taken up by the medical officer and himself very seriously, and he thought they had now got the upper hand of the outbreak.—In reply to Mr. G. C. James, Dr. Thomas said there had been only one death, and the disease was of a very mild form. Nothing could be done to stop the sale of cockles unless they were found to be contaminated, but in that case it could be done. The Chairman said the cockles were presumed to be all right when they came to Merthyr.—A copy of the report was ordered to be sent to the Local Government Board.

Saturday Football in our Local Community

by Brian Jones

Allan “Salty” Jones has recently published the centenary story (1913 -2013) of football played by a myriad of local teams. His account draws on a vast number of photographs of boys and men who set out to enjoy Saturday football on pitches of variable quality from the north to the south of the Merthyr Borough. Their faces shine out of the black/white and coloured prints spanning a number of generations the vast majority of whom are sadly not still with us. Nevertheless their spirit epitomises their love for the game, and perhaps more importantly, their camaraderie bound together by work, community, church or public house.

The names of the clubs who played in the MERTHYR LEAGUE ring out through the ages. Merthyr Trams, Aberfan Thursdays, Bethania Chapel, Court Rangers, Gellifaelog Youth Club, Mountain Hare, Hoovers, Castle Rangers, Miners Hall, Great Escape and Vaynor Quarries. The list is endless. A review of the history of local football mirrored the social and industrial changes spanning the 100 years. Gone are the teams representing local employers such as Guest Keen, Lines, B.S.A , Teddington Controls, Kayser Bondor, Welsh Products to name but a few.

Of the hundreds of teams who joined then left the League was S.W.E.B. who played post World War II into the early 1950s. The South Wales Electricity Board team of young men who served in the Army, Navy or Royal Air Force and went to work in an industry which blossomed with the surge in demand for an alternative power source. The sprint was on to convert homes from coal gas to electricity. Mains cables had to be laid in streets, Electricity meters installed and wiring to be linked to light switches and power points. Who can recall the demand for one shilling coins for the electricity slot meters to ensure the lights stayed on during dark winter nights!

The S.W.E.B team of 1954/55 played their home games in Heolgerrig and perhaps there are readers who are the grandchildren and great- grandchildren of those in the photograph. Were they players of great skill, who knows, but we can be assured that on their Monday stint in their work base at the Traction Yard in Penydarren they would certainly be enthusing about the win, draw or loss of the previous Saturday game

P.S. The author is the eight year old in the photograph

The Collieries Strike in South Wales

From the Illustrated London News 130 years ago today….

Illustrated London News – 9 September 1893

Pictures:

  1. March of the strikers to the Ferndale pits: hooting those coming from work.
  2. A striker and his dog.
  3. Women and children bringing bread and cheese to the men at the Merthyr Meeting.
  4. Two thousand strikers passing up the main street of Merthyr.
  5. Halt on the way to the Merthyr meeting.

Merthyr Tydfil to Aber Cynon Tramroad – part 2

by Gwilym and John Griffiths

In October 1858, Rees Jones was interviewed by the Mining Journal. He assisted Richard Trevithick in the making of his locomotive. It worked very well but frequently its weight broke the tram-plates. On the third (see below) journey it broke a great many of the tram-plates. It was brought back to Pen y Darren by horses. The steam-engine was never used as a locomotive after this.

‘The Pen y Darren Locomotive’ added, without stating the source, that: Over the next few weeks the locomotive made numerous journeys over the tramroad and was later used as a stationary engine for pumping water, winding coal and driving a forging hammer.

The newspaper, Cambrian, reported the trial briefly: ‘Yesterday’, the long-awaited trial of Mr Trevithick’s newly-invented steam engine, for which he obtained His Majesty’s letters patent, to draw and work carriages of all descriptions on various kinds of roads, as well as for a number of other purposes to which its power may be usefully employed, took place near this town, and was found to perform to admiration all that was expected from its warmest advocates.

In the present instance, the novel application of steam by means of this truly valuable machine was made use of to convey along the tramroad ten tons, long weight, of bar iron from Pen y Darren Works to the place where it joins the Glamorgan Canal, upwards of nine miles distant; and it is necessary to observe that the weight of the load was soon increased from ten to fifteen tons by about seventy persons riding on the trams, who, drawn thither, as well as many others, by invincible curiosity, were eager to ride at the expense of the first display of the patentee’s abilities in this country.

To those who are not acquainted with the exact principle of this new engine, it may not be improper to observe that it differs from all others yet brought before the public, by disclaiming the use of condensed water, and discharges it into the open air, or applies it to the heating of fluids, as convenience may require. The expense of making engines on this principle does not exceed one half of many on the most approved plan made use of before this appeared. It takes much less coal to work it, and it is only necessary to supply a small quantity of water for the purpose of creating steam, which is the most essential matter. It performed the journey without feeding or using any water, and will travel with ease at the rate of five miles an hour. It is not doubted but that the number of horses in the kingdom will be very considerably reduced, and the machine, in the hands of the present proprietors, will be made use of in a hundred instances never yet though of for an instant’.

The Parliamentary Gazetteer of England and Wales, circa 1840, added extra bits of information: The first locomotive, though with toothed wheels, is said to have been started on the old Merthyr-Tydvil railroad in 1804, having been patented by Messrs Vivian and Co, in 1802; it was then stated to have drawn ten tons of bar iron at the rate of five miles an hour; but it did not come into anything like general use for the carriage of goods till ten years afterwards. The present (1840) noble species of locomotives, however, and railways, are of still more recent origin. There was clearly some conflict over the patent?

It seems likely that the authors must have made a mistake over ‘toothed wheels’: perhaps they were thinking of the cog-wheels on the engine itself?

We find it hard to believe that there was any need or purpose to construct the smaller tunnel near Plymouth Works in 1802, though this is the date so stated by Leo Davies in ‘Bridges of Merthyr Tydfil’, page 155, and the tunnel certainly existed by the time of John Woods’ 1836 Street Map of Merthyr Tudful. Richard Trevithick did not mention it in his letter describing the journey (but see below) yet, at only 8ft 4in high, it must have proved a problem for his steam locomotive with a stack of almost similar height? The second tunnel was apparently built around 1860 or 1862, per Leo Davies. Why was it needed? Why was it so much higher at 13ft 0in? The lower tunnel would have limited the height of any transport through it, a quarter of a century after the arrival of the Taff Vale Railway.

A Trystan Edwards, in ‘Merthyr, Rhondda and The Valleys’, page 163, apparently knew (from frustratingly unnamed sources but see above quote) that Richard Trevithick was assisted in the construction of the engine by Rees Jones of Dowlais and that the engine-driver’s name was Watkin Richards. He wrote that a collision with a bridge brought down both bridge and stack (though Trevithick himself made no reference to this accident in his account). Trystan Edwards recorded that the engine failed to return, a fact totally incorrect according to Trevithick’s own account written at the time.

According to Joseph Gross, ‘The Merthyr Tramroad’, in Merthyr Historian, volume 1, Anthony Bacon refused to make the award of the bet because Richard Trevithick had moved some sleepers in the tunnel near Plymouth Works to the middle to allow the funnel to pass. This was supposed to have changed the existing track, violating one of the conditions of the wager. The return journey of the locomotive was not completed because it was said the gradient was too steep. This, too, contradicts other sources.

Merthyr Tydfil to Aber Cynon Tramroad – part 1

by Gwilym and John Griffiths

Some sources have recorded that this tramroad (then called a dram road) was started around 1800 by agreement between William Taitt of Dowlais, Samuel Homfray of Pen y Darren and Richard Hill of Plymouth. They added that the construction, under the supervision of George Overton, was allegedly started in 1799 and finished in 1802. Yet see under Leases 1800 for a few of the early leases in summary. It seems that Richard Fothergill was much involved in setting up these leases. In addition, the route was always described as being from Morlais Castle to Navigation House.  The route was from Pen y Darren to Aber Cynon, 9½ miles, a fall of 341 feet. Brief details were recorded in The Pen y Darren Locomotive by Stuart Owen-Jones.

The tramroad was used briefly (three times or numerous times, see below) with a trial of Trevithick’s steam engine on Tuesday 21 Feb 1804, returning to Pen y Darren the following day, but shortly thereafter the tramroad reverted to horse power for many further years. The weight of the steam-engine apparently damaged the rails. However, Charles Wilkins, ‘The History of Merthyr Tydfil’, page 252, thought that the engine, ‘after serving a long time on the tramway, was removed to a pit called Winch Fawr (in the hamlet of Heol Wermwd not the one in the hamlet of Gelli Deg), and finally taken to the top of the incline owned by the Pen y Darren Company at Cwm Bargod.’ We are not so sure. Richard Trevithick himself recorded the event from which the following summary is appropriate:

  1. On Saturday 11 Feb 1804, the fire was lit in the ‘Tram Waggon’ and Richard Trevithick worked it without the wheels to try the engine.
  2. On Monday 13 Feb 1804, they put the waggon on the ‘Tram Road’. It worked very well and ran up hill and down with great ease and was very manageable. There was plenty of power.
  3. Between 13 Feb and 20 Feb 1804 the ‘Tram Waggon’ had been worked several times. They had tried loads of up to ten tons, and it worked easily. He was sure it could cope with forty tons. Richard Trevithick intended making a smaller engine for the tram road as the first one had too much power, and would be used instead to work a hammer.
  4. On Tuesday 21 Feb 1804 they made the journey with the engine. They carried ten tons, presumably of iron, in five waggons, with seventy men riding on them for the whole of the journey. He recorded, very clearly, that it took four hours and five minutes to cover the nine miles because they had to cut down some trees and remove some large rocks out of the tram road. No mention of the stack being knocked down by a bridge or any problem with the ‘tunnel’ by Plymouth Works. They returned, but a broken bolt released the water, and the engine did not arrive back at Pen y Darren Works until the evening of Wednesday 22 Feb 1804. No mention of broken tramway plates or of having to be hauled back to Pen y Darren by horse.
  5. Later they tried the carriage with twenty-five tons of iron, and found the engine was more than a match for that weight. The steam was delivered into the chimney above the damper. It made the draught much stronger by going up the chimney. Trevithick’s locomotive was the first to employ this very important principle of turning the exhaust steam up the chimney, so producing a draft which drew the hot gases from the fire more powerfully through the boiler.

In May 1854, some forty years later, Thomas Ellis, an engineer from Tredegar, wrote a letter describing the first journey the Pen y Darren locomotive took in February, 1804. His father was at Pen y Darren when the engine was made and tried. Samuel Homfray, proprietor of the Pen y Darren Works, Merthyr Tydfil, made a bet of 1,000 guineas with Richard Crawshay, of the Cyfarthfa Works, that Trevithick’s steam-engine could convey a load of iron from his works to the Navigation House, nine miles distant.

To be continued……