Tag: Dowlais Ironworks

Clifton Suspension Bridge and Dowlais Iron Company

by Victoria Owens

The following article is transcribed here with the permission of the Clifton Suspension Bridge & Museum official blog.

Since the Dowlais Iron Company made the iron that was used to forge the original chains, their importance to the Clifton Suspension Bridge was significant. The village of Dowlais itself is located on the fringes of Merthyr Tydfil and the Iron Company was established in 1759, when a group of nine gentlemen signed Articles of co-partnership in what they termed ‘Merthir Furnace’. By the 1840s, under the management of John – later Sir John – Guest, it was supplying iron rail to railway companies across the world. In time, Dowlais eclipsed the other Merthyr ironworks – Penydarren, Cyfarthfa and Plymouth – to become a vast concern; by 1853, when Guest’s widow Lady Charlotte headed the company, it had no few than eighteen furnaces in blast. The association with Clifton began a decade earlier in 1840 when Dowlais contracted to supply iron to the Copperhouse Foundry in the Cornish town of Hayle to be forged into eye-bar chains, that is, chains made up of bars with eye-plates at either end. A number of letters from John Poole on behalf of the Copperhouse Company, also known as Sandys, Carne and Vivian, to the Dowlais Iron Company – it also traded as Guest, Lewis & Co – survive which give some idea of the problems to which the contract gave rise.

On 15 August 1839, Poole wrote in confidence to Guest’s onsite manager, Thomas Evans. He wished to ascertain the prices ‘for Iron of the best quality’ that Dowlais could supply, and how soon Dowlais could provide it. Evidently Poole found the figures which Evans quoted acceptable, and fifteen months later, on 14 November 1840, he wrote again to Guest, Lewis & Co, demanding to know when they could make ’80 to 100 Tons of the Bars for the Clifton Bridge’ available at the Cardiff docks for shipping to Hayle. In bar form, the iron was not only convenient for transportation, but also ready to be worked into the finished product – in this instance, suspension chains.

At some point in the winter of 1840-41, Dowlais duly despatched a consignment of bar iron to Hayle where Brunel, always the perfectionist, sent one of his staff – a man named Charles Gainsford – to assess its quality. Having tested the iron, not only did Gainsford think it unfit for purpose, but also suspected Dowlais of having double-crossed Copperhouse. ‘We regret,’ John Pool informed the Dowlais management on 13 February 1841 ‘that [Gainsford] will allow us to use no part of the iron invoiced the 8th December last, which he says is not of best cable quality, & which he requested should not be forwarded to us when he visited the Dowlais Works. It is a great disappointment to us,’ he continues, that the Iron has not been made agreeably to the Order, and we fear the delay may subject us to a heavy loss. We hope the present shipment will be of the proper quality.’

Photo courtesy of the Clifton Suspension Bridge and Museum

It is a shocking indictment of procedures at Dowlais yet, surprising as it may seem, Poole’s aggrieved tone failed to bring about any improvement. Crucially, the iron bars from which the sections of chain were to be made up necessarily had to be straight. On 15 March 1841, Poole vented his growing impatience with Dowlais’s apparent failure to grasp this requirement in another letter of complaint. ‘Even a large portion of the Bars for the Clifton Bridge already received,’ he wrote, ‘must be heated all over to be made perfectly straight.’ He ordered them to send no more bars, other ‘than what may be inspected & approved by Mr Brunel’s representative at the works.’

By the end of March 1841, Poole’s forbearance was exhausted. Another consignment of faulty iron bars had reached him and, in considerable annoyance, he wrote at once to Thomas Evans. ‘We are exceedingly sorry,’ he protested, ‘that a large portion of the bars for the Clifton Bridge […] are so crooked as to entail upon us more labour to straighten them than ever upon welding on the eyes. […] Will you be good enough to inform us whether you are likely to have a further lot of bars shortly fit for use? It seems likely that, having received this missive, Evans read the Riot Act to the Dowlais workforce with the result that the quality of iron which they supplied to Copperhouse improved. Before long, Hayle was able to supply Clifton with satisfactory elements of the chains for the bridge ready for onsite assembly.

But by 1842, the Suspension Bridge trustees had run acutely short of money. Already £2,885 12s 1d was owing to Copperhouse and even by 1845 they had not been paid. Three years later, in 1848, so desperate for payment were the Hayle company that they were willing to accept £2780 12s 7d in return for quick settlement of their account. In the event, they were not paid until 1849, and only then after the despairing bridge trustees had taken out a loan for the purpose. In the town of Hayle, people evidently regarded this long-overdue settlement of the Clifton account as a significant landmark. The name of ‘Riviere Terrace’ which was a street of imposing houses built in 1840 changed to ‘Clifton Terrace’ by way of marking completion of the Cornish Copper Company’s contract. As for the chains themselves, when lack of funds halted work on the suspension bridge, the Cornwall Railway purchased them for incorporation within the Royal Albert Bridge at Saltash.

Yet although the lack of money brought work on the suspension bridge to a temporary halt before Hawkshaw and Barlow completed its construction to a much-revised version of Brunel’s design, the association with Dowlais did not entirely evaporate. The Dowlais Iron Company had provided the original iron used in the old Hungerford Bridge whose chains Hawkshaw and Barlow adopted for their bridge, supplemented by a large volume of new links purchased from the Lord Ward Round Oak works in Dudley. If the association between the Dowlais Iron Company, the Copperhouse Foundry of Hayle and the Trustees of the Clifton Suspension Bridge was less than harmonious, it is nevertheless intriguing to witness the frustrations and stalling that could bedevil even the most celebrated of Victorian construction projects.

Please follow the link below to see the original article. https://cliftonbridge.org.uk/clifton-suspension-bridge-and-dowlais-iron-company/

My Street – part 2

by Barrie Jones

Chapter One

Tir Ysgubornewydd (New Barn Farm)

Ysgubornewydd farm was part of the Morlangau Estate; a prominent estate which extended south and east of the village of Merthyr Tydfil. In earlier times its owners were a younger branch of the family of Edward Lewis of the Van. Morlangau covered 172 acres of land already split between two farms: the Mardy and Ysgubornewydd. The earliest reference to an occupier of Tir Ysgubornewydd is the 1715 Rental which shows two occupiers of Tir Morlangau, Nicholas David and John David, possibly brothers and probably John David occupied Tir Ysgubornewydd. The Davids’ were related to Nicholas the brother of Gwenllian David wife to Lewis William of Tir Castell Morlais, and it is possible that a succession of Nicholas Davids occupied Tir Morlangau from 1666 to 1718.

In 1719 the lease of Morlangau was granted to Thomas Richard, who subsequently purchased the freehold from the Lewis of the Van family in 1727, the sale was precipitated by the hefty fine imposed on the Lewis family following their support of the failed Jacobite rebellion. At this time, 1719, probably his son, Lewis, occupied Tir Ysgubornewydd. Thomas’s other son David had ownership of Morlangau from 1749 to his death in 1780, after which ownership passed to his son William (ap David, afterwards known as Davies). Prior to his death in 1820 William may have been living at Tir Ysgubornewydd.

The Mardy farm was twice the size of Ysgubornewydd but being nearer to Merthyr village, the main road and the emerging Plymouth works by 1850 it had already lost a significant portion of its land to housing and industrial waste and had ceased to function as a single farm, its remaining fields being leased to numerous individuals. It is probable that the Mardy farmstead was located near to the main road and perhaps close to the Court and their adjoining boundary, hence its exact location yet not being known.

Prior to 1844 the Morlangau estate was held ‘under trust’ by Jane, wife of William Thomas of the Court, during that time it consisted of Ysgubornewydd Farm and eight other meadows let out to different people. The importance of the farm was already diminished by so much of it being fragmented by separate tenancies. In 1841 this is further evidenced by the farmstead being occupied by a merchant and mine workers while the farmer, Aaron Lloyd, was living off site in nearby Plymouth Street. The leasing of land for housing and industrial waste demonstrates that the estate’s owners and trustees were determined to maximise rental returns from the land rather than holding any preference for agricultural use.

By 1850 the farm estate covered an area of fifty-four acres of meadow, pasture, wood, and waste.  However, only 39 acres of the farm was tenanted by Aaron Lloyd.  Already the owners had allowed the incursion of waste tipping along its boundary with the Nant Blacs and the tramroad that ran from Pen Heol Ferthyr to the Plymouth Iron Works.

Ysgubornewydd Farm:

Map Ref. Description Cultivation Acres Roods Perches
1389 Cae Jenkin Hopkin Meadow 3 1 24
1390 Cae Lewis Thomas Meadow 1 3 16
1391 Cae Pen Twyn Meadow 3 – 18
1392 Waste – – 2 –
1393 Rubbish and Waste – 3 3 8
1394 Y Waun Pasture 2 2 4
1395 Cae Main Pasture 2 2 23
1396 Cae Pwdwr Meadow 2 2 4
1397 Road and Waste – 2 1 12
1400 Cae Sgubor Meadow 2 2 20
1401 Cae Dan y Ty Meadow 1 2 7
1402 Homestead – – 1 8
1403 Coed Sgubor Newydd Pasture & Wood 1 2 –
1404 Part of Coed Sgubor Newydd Pasture & Wood 2 – –
1404a Cae Pant Meadow 4 3 18
1405 Cae Ishaf Y Cwm Pasture 3 3 22
1406 Part of Cae Ishaf Y Cwm Pasture 5 – 24
1398 Cae Thomas Rosser Meadow 6 3 10
1399 Cae Cant Llaeth Meadow 2 3 4
Total Measurement   54 0 22
Source: 1850 Tithe Schedule (see tithe map below, area edged red)  

In 1851 the farm was further reduced in size by the construction of the Dowlais Railway through the fields Cae Lewis Thomas, Cae Jenkin Hopkin, Cae Main, Cae Sgubor, and Cae Cant Llaeth.  Thus, the Dowlais Railway (“Incline”) cut off a sizeable portion of the original farm estate from the farmhouse, an estimated area of over twenty-four acres, making the later development of the Twynyrodyn side of the incline more practicable. By the time Merthyr Tydfil County Borough Council purchased the remaining farm in 1947 the area between the Incline and Gilfach Cynon was already a fully established community of houses, shops, chapel, and school.

Despite this significant loss of acreage, the records show that up to its sale in 1947 the farm’s tenants farmed an area of between 40 and 50 acres. It is likely that a portion of the already fragmented Mardy Farm estate also ‘cut off’ by the ‘Incline’ was incorporated into the Ysgubornewydd farm. This area comprised four fields to the southwest of the Coed Sgubor Newydd and Cae Ishaf y Cwm fields:

Map Ref. Description Cultivation Acres Roods Perches
1407 Coed y Banner Pasture & Wood 6 1 38
1408 Caia Wolridge Pasture & Meadow 3 0 0
1409 Caia Wolridge Pasture & Meadow 2 3 36
1410 Cae Daniel Stephens Meadow 2 0 8
Total Measurement   14 2 2
Source: 1850 Tithe Schedule (see tithe map above, area edged blue)

In 1906, 4½ acres was purchased for the construction of the Mardy Hospital further reducing the amount of farmland. The hospital largely occupied the fields Caia Wolridge (1409) and Cae Daniel Stephens (1410). At no time since 1820 does there appear to be a period of settled tenancy of the farm with change nearly every decade or so. There is no family continuation usually associated with farms and generally the new tenants were not local to the area as highlighted in the following list of occupants:

Year Tenant Occupation Place of Birth
1841 Aaron Lloyd (living off site) Farmer Merthyr Tydfil
1851 Aaron Lloyd Farmer (39 acres)
1861 David Morgan Farmer (50 acres) Llanbedr, Brecon
1871 David Morgan Farmer
1881 Edmund Gibbs Farmer (40 acres) Framton, Glos.
1891 James Bolton Horse slaughterer Tewkesbury, Glos.
1901 James Bolton Horse slaughterer
1911 John Jones Farmer Rhymney, Mons.
1919 John Jones Farmer
1929 W Price Farmer (42 acres)
1947 W Price Farmer (44 acres)

 Sources: Merthyr Tydfil Census Returns, 1941-43 MAF Farm Survey, and MTBC Council minutes.

The tithe map of 1850 shows that field use on the farm was largely a mix of pasture and meadow (88%), so the farm was almost exclusively engaged in rearing livestock, although whether this included sheep is not known. Close to the farm’s demise in 1947 it was run as a dairy farm with thirteen cows and probably the milk was sold for local consumption which in those days was from a pony and trap.  Since 1850 there has been little change in the total area of land cultivated for pasture and meadow.  The Ministry of Agriculture (MAF) survey in 1943 records a small amount of land (two acres) was farmed for root crops, such as turnips, swedes, and mangolds, mainly for fodder, and over seventy fowls were reared.

Despite the gradual erosion of its acreage from the early 1800’s through the activities of both the Plymouth and Dowlais iron works, the expansion of the community of Twynyrodyn and improvements in health care, the farm was able to maintain an optimum size to ensure an agricultural livelihood. However, with the requirement that milk should be pasteurised or bottled under approved conditions under new regulations introduced in the 1950’s, it is very unlikely that a farm so small, although “well run”, could have modernised its dairy production and hence would have ceased to continue as a dairy farm. In 1947 the farm’s uncertain future may already have been anticipated. After over 150 years of industrial and urban pressure the final phase in the farm’s history was completed when through the increasing need for more and better housing the County Borough Council acquired the remaining 43.9 acres of freehold land at a cost of £3,100 plus fees.

To be continued…..

The South Wales Lock Out

The article transcribed below appeared in the Illustrated London News 150 years ago today.

Several fresh illustrations are given this week, from sketches by our own artists, of the deplorable stoppage of labour in the vast collieries and ironworks of South Wales. The amount of interests involved in this unfortunate rupture between capital and labour is estimated by the correspondent of a daily paper:—

“In Monmouthshire and Glamorgan there are, all told, 450 collieries, of which about 150 are the property of ironmasters. In times when business is at full swing, the amount of coal ‘won’ from these numerous pits reaches 350,000 tons weekly. The manufacture of iron in the district demands 100,000 tons this weekly output, the remainder being spread abroad—some for shipping purposes, but the greater part for household and factory consumption. To raise 350,000 tons of coal in six days would require the operation of 70,000 hands—that is to say, practical ‘pitmen’, with labourers and lads. It is reckoned that the united earnings of this great body of workmen average £100,000 a week—about 27s. a head per week ‘all round’;  or take the labourers and lads at 10s. to £1 a week, and the miners at 34s.

In the immediate vicinity of these collieries are the establishments of at least a score of leading ironmasters, giving employment to some 30,000 men. Taking an ironworker’s wages at the low average of 27s. a week, nearly £40,000 would be required to satisfy the number above indicated. Then there are those who are engaged in the ironstone mines, a body of men reckoned by thousands, and whose earnings are said to be at least £10,000 weekly. One way and another it may be fairly reckoned that the South Wales coal-fields are not worked at a less weekly average cost in the shape of wages than £150,000, and when nothing is amiss this is the sum, barring the small savings of the pitman, which between Saturday and Saturday finds its way into the tills of the butcher, the baker, the grocer, the publican, and other worthy tradesfolk of Merthyr, Aberdare, Dowlais, and the surrounding districts. It is hard to say who feel most acutely the pinch of the lock-out—the shopkeeper, or those who in flourishing times are his profitable customers. In by far the majority of instances, the tradesmen in question depend mainly for support on those who are employed in the pits and at the ironworks, and when these are rendered wageless the shopkeeper may as well put up his shutters.”

Merthyr Tydvil, a place of 70,000 inhabitants, including the Dowlais, Cyfarthfa, Pen-y-darren, and other works, in the neighbourhood of the town, is situated in the north of Glamorganshire. It takes its name from an ancient Celtic princess, named Tydvil, who was Christian virgin martyr, slaughtered by the Pagan Saxons about King Arthur’s time. The Vale of Merthyr varies in width from a mile to half a mile, with hills on each side that nowhere reach an altitude of 2000 feet. It has all the characteristics of those valleys of South Wales where the days are darkened by furnaces vomiting smoke and the nights are illumined by hundreds of furnace fires. Such, at least, is its normal condition. The Vale of Merthyr is not the least valuable of the wealth-producing districts where gigantic fortunes have been accumulated. Right and left shafts rise out of the hill-side, and from side to side engines reply to each other. Small streams bear away the water that constantly springs in the underground workings. The entire vale is intersected with tramways, by which coal is conveyed, from the pit to the metal-works.

“But these days,” writes newspaper correspondent, “the Vale of Merthyr has begun to put on an appearance of desolation. The Plymouth Iron and Coal Works, which extend for nearly a couple of miles, and present a succession of valuable workings, are strangely silent. The steam-engines at the pit mouth, noisily and showily pumping, throw significant aspect of inactivity upon acres of unworked machinery; and there is long line of black, funnels, tall chimneys, gaunt beams and cranks, and gaping machinery in cold repose. Not a gleam will to-night enlighten the landscape where for years the valley has been notorious for its unearthly glare. An old man, gazing upon the dismal desertion of these magnificent works, says there are people starving in the valley, and that half the distress which exists, and will exist here, will be never known.”

In the midst of so much gloom, there is one gleam of satisfaction in the fact that the ironstone-miners are working. They will not be stopped. They have been associated with the ironworkers in past reductions, and, as they are dependent upon neither collieries nor ironworkers, work has been secured to them at Cyfarthfa. These men attempted a resistance to the first reduction, and were out about two months. They then applied for work, but the difference with the ironmasters having obliged Mr. Crawshay to blow out his blast-furnaces, he told them ironstone was not required. If, however, they chose to work upon the wages of 1871—that was, 30 per cent below the highest point which had been reached, and the level to which the present reduction of 10 per cent brings colliers’ labour—they might go on. They accepted the offer, and have been working with regularity ever since.

Although the ironworks have been at a standstill all the time, and the colliers are now reduced to a similar condition, they will be kept going, no matter how long this struggle may last. It is stated that Mr. Crawshay would have kept his ironworkers similarly employed, had they met him in the same spirit; he would have stocked iron to the extent of 100,000 tons rather than they should have been thrown out of employment. Further, he made more than one effort to come to an arrangement with the association for the employment of his ironworks colliers alone, but the union question cropped up and became an insurmountable obstacle. Cyfarthfa, therefore, with the exception of the ironstone works, is in the same position as all the rest of the ironworks, with one furnace only in blast.

There has been no event of importance during the week, lord Aberdare (who was Mr. Bruce, late Home Secretary) has declined to interfere on behalf of the men, and advises them give way. The Merthyr poor-law guardians impose stone-breaking tasks as a condition of outdoor relief.

Illustrated London News – 20 February 1875

Memories of Old Merthyr

We conclude our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

© William Menelaus (1818-1882); Hagarty, Parker; Cardiff University; http://www.artuk.org/artworks/william-menelaus-18181882-15929

To some it is probable that to say much of Dowlais and leave the name of Mr Wm. Menelaus not prominently mentioned is like enacting the play “Hamlet” and leave out Hamlet himself. To such it is fair to say my knowledge of the place is antecedent to meeting with that gentleman prior to his going there. That he did much to keep up the prestige of the place is truthfully admitted. That he did not accomplish all his desires is also a fact; his intention and actual conversion of some portion of the works to another branch of manufacture can be doubtless recalled by many. Let me bear my humble tribute to his memory. Wishing Dowlais well, I will now part with it, and hope its future will be prosperous.

Instead of returning to Merthyr by the road, let us take a pleasanter way, and, mounting some steps by the roadside at Gellifaelog, cross by the footpath over a field or two, and then take the lane (or maybe paved road) back, passing by Gwaunfarren across the limestone tramroad there (there was also a limekiln close by), and we are close to the Penydarren Park again.

Before making my congé, let me recall some things that are now gone, most probably gone forever. One is the ‘Merched y Wern’ from Neath; they were well known, Their vocation in life some 60 or 70 years ago was to go to Swansea Pottery, and, getting a large crate or basket, in reality of ware, return to Neath upon the next morning loaded with the ware, walk to Merthyr to dispose of it. They were necessarily hardy and masculine. During their walks shoes or boots, as well as stockings, were taken off, only to be put on when entering a populous place. They were generally reputed to be well able to protect themselves. Generally there were two, three or four together, and evil betide any who raised their wrath. There is a tale of a man having said something being induced to accompany them for awhile, when at a suitable place he was denuded of clothing and bound a la Mazeppa – not to a horse but to a tree. Cwm-ynys Minton, not far from the Gelly Tarw junction, is the locus in quo of the episode.

Another class that has passed away are the old butter carriers, who, with their cart and horse, took weekly journeys from various parts of Carmarthenshire. They travelled 36 or even 48 hours at a stretch. Occasionally two or three would be in company; at night, some were thus able to sleep in their carts.

Then again there were the sand girls who earned a livelihood by gathering the stones from the river, calcining them and by ‘pounding’ reduce them to sand for use for domestic purposes. There are some stones far more suitable than others for this purpose – those of the silicious kind being more in request. However clear of them the river might be occasionally, a heavy flood brought down another stock, and so it went on. I am not aware if any such an employment now exists, but formerly the river from Caepantywyll to the bottom of Caedraw was the hunting ground of the sand girls.

The River Taff below Jackson’s Bridge, possibly showing some sand girls collecting stones. Reproduced by permission of The National Library of Wales Creative Archive Licence

The produce of the works, too, has undergone a strange metamorphosis. Not only are there no iron bars now made for tin works, but split rods have ceased to be so, and, while formerly large cargoes of ‘cable iron’ went to the Grecian Archipelago and other places in the Mediterranean, in vain should I look in all of South Wales for a bar bent to the shape of the camel’s back for conveyance across the desert. Advisedly, I say thousands of tons have gone from Merthyr for such a mode of conveyance.

‘Cable’ iron was also made, but if made now cannot be made from similar materials to what it used to be. I do not know of any South Wales works making cold blast all mine iron, but, if there is such it certainly not contiguous to Merthyr, where it was at one time made. Do not, however, suppose I consider Merthyr drawing to the close of its career:

“For I doubt not through the ages an increasing purpose runs,
And the thoughts of men are widened by the process of the suns”

Here for the present do I close but if “The sunset of life gives me mystified life” and coming events cast their shadows before my brain, I may endeavour to say a few words respecting “What of the future?”

Memories of Old Merthyr

We continue our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

The men were from the Atlas Works (Sharp, Roberts & Co). Richard Roberts had previously been at Dowlais, and Lady Charlotte, in showing him around, took him into the church, where he remarked what a splendid fitting shop it would be.

The No 5 blast engine was, at the time of its erection, the largest ever made, and it had two steam cylinders – after the Hornblower or Woolf type, and to get all the valves to work properly, was then thought difficult – in fact, they did not work as well as desirable. Amongst the persons had for consultation was Mr Brunton from Hornsley. He it was that first brought the application of a fan for the ventilation of collieries into notice, I can recall his models and explanation. It was not readily adopted. Furnaces were very simple, and there was not much thought of economy of coal, but the furnace was dangerous. This was palliated by means of a dumb drift, but as far as I know, no colliery of any size uses a furnace for its ventilation.

Simple and efficient as the arrangement was for letting persons know the boiler was short of water it was not quite as perfect as the following will show.

Mr John Evans, on looking at the boilers of the furnace at the Ivor works, when everything was in full work, noticed the whistles (that is the only thing visible thing in the arrangement for making a noise if feed was low) were all covered, and speaking to the attendant, found he had designedly wrapped some ‘gasket’ around to prevent noise. With some cause Mr Evans was in a passion, so he ordered the man off at a moment’s notice, and sent for the writer, telling him to get the feed right. There were four boilers, and every one was in low water. The engine was doing its full work, and therefore taking steam; the fireman was firing as hard as usual to supply the necessary steam, but no water was going into the boilers to form the steam.

On examination, I found the bottom valve of the feed pump was deranged, and the anxiety and fear I experienced can be recalled now. Mr Evans, as soon as he told me, went off to the old works to send an attendant thence, but was more than an hour before he came, and in the interim, having got the valve right, the boilers were being replenished. Even then, however, danger was not over, for cold water going upon hot plates is apt to get into the molecular condition, and instead of taking up heat quietly, and get into a kind of bubble then explode. Boutigny has since done much to exemplify it, and in his work on “Heat a mode of motion”, Tyndall has fully explained it, but at that time neither had been heard of. The fact was known, but ascribed to another cause.

However, to my great relief, everything passed off safely, and without derangement of working. More than once I inclined to stop the engine. This would naturally draw all the furnace men about me, when it was likely that the imminence of danger would have caused all to get as far away and as quickly as ever they could. The experience of that hour has, however, never been forgotten.

To be continued at a later date…..

Memories of Old Merthyr

We continue our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

It was at the Dowlais Works the Bessemer process for the conversion of pig into malleable iron was tried, with the result, as told me by Sir Henry himself, “I was knocked down on my back, and for two years could not get up again”. The Bessemer process, as everyone knows, is to blow air through the molten metal and so burn the carbon out, but many years before that blowing steam through molten iron in the puddling was tried there. The furnace with the apparatus was seen in the upper forge – that is, between the Dowlais office and the fitting shop.

The Bessemer converter

Sir John himself conceived the idea of running the iron direct from the blast furnace into the refinery, so as to avoid the remelting usually followed. It was used for a while at the Ivor Works at the furnace next to the engine-house on the Pant side, but the refinery process itself was soon superseded to a great extent.

The Bessemer Converter at Dowlais Ironworks in 1896. Photo courtesy of the Alan George Archive

It was at Dowlais the very first steam whistle was made, and although the tale has been previously told, the use of the whistle for railway purposes is so extensive that it will be again told in the words of the inventor himself as told to me personally by him.

For the better understanding of it allow my saying that a column of water about 27 inches high gives a pressure of a pound for every square inch of its area, and for the feeding of his boilers James Watt had designed an automatic arrangement, based upon the weight above mentioned. Even up to 10lbs, a standpipe 270m inches high would suffice, but when it comes to 50lbs the pipe would be excessive, and as some little looking after is needed, it would be rather inconvenient, so that the regulation of the feed became dependent on the care of the stoker, he being guided by the use of gauge cocks. Stokers are human, and therefore remiss; the feed goes too low, overheating of the plates follows. This reduces their strength, perhaps, too, the steam pressure increases, and disaster follows.

Adrian Stephens inventor of the first steam whistle

Something of this kind happened, and Sir John asked Adrian Stephens if it were possible to arrange something to indicate that the feed was getting low. The upshot of the conversation was that one of the pipes from the organ in the house was sent for Stephens’ consideration. In Watts’ arrangement a float was used for governing the feed, and Stephens very naturally followed the idea. The idea of an inside valve was evolved, and by the passing of steam through the organ pipe sound was produced. It then occurred to Stephens that if the emission aperture were made all around the pipe it would be better, and he made it so.

It did not bring him profit, nor was he ever honoured as he should have been. Some Manchester workmen were then down with tools for the fitting-shop, and they either communicated or took the idea back there, and not as a regulator for feed, but as a means of calling attention the whistle became used in locomotion.

To be continued at a later date…..

Memories of Old Merthyr

We continue our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

George Thomas Clark by Henry Wyndham Phillips. Courtesy of Cyfarthfa Castle Museum and Art Gallery

Without being positive, it was early in the forties Mr George Thomas Clark can be first recalled at Dowlais. It was an open secret that he was not very acceptable to the Evanses, but a thunder-clap broke, and was stated that Thomas [Evans] was going away; that he was in fact going to Rhymney. His salary was £1,000 a year at Dowlais, but was to be £1,500 at Rhymney, with residence, and the other usual agent’s privileges. No doubt he would have gone had not Mr Clark left, and his salary increased to the Rhymney rate. The Dowlais Company had also to pay £800 for expenses the Rhymney Company had gone to in preparing a residence for him. This is proof of the value Sir John set on Mr T Evans’ services. He died, and Mr Clark afterwards became supreme at Dowlais.

It is thought appropriate to give some things that reflect that honour. Dowlais was ever progressive. There was neither lack of capital or skill. One consulting man engaged was Rastrick of Birmingham. When the drift into the coal was made at the back of the blast furnace yard, Rastrick designed a pair of winding engines the like of which is unknown. They were of the vibrating kind, moving upon trunnions at the bottom of the cylinders, with winding gear above.

The engines were made at the Neath Abbey Works, fixed and started, but some old and opinionated persons whispered, “Oh it will never do”. “Then I’ll put another” said Sir John. It did work, however, for years, but alas, as other things also, it did not get the attention it ought to have had, and with the alteration in the working of minerals it was disused.

Somewhere in 1838 or ’39 Mr John Russell, the doctor, was leaving, and in order to get the best man to succeed him, Sir John asked his London physician to visit Dowlais so as to learn the real condition of things in order to select the most suitable man he knew of. John L White was the only one selected, but Mawdesly (who has already been mentioned as the engineer of the Ivor Works) was ill, and was sent for to Dowlais House. The physician examined him and strongly recommended Mawdesly’ wintering in Madeira.

Some four days after, Sir John spoke to him about it, and Mawdesly frankly said it was beyond his means. “Don’t let that stand in the way; you shall go is you would like to” was told him to his comfort and the everlasting credit of Sir John. Returning is the spring better, he soon found himself falling back, and Sir John sent him for another winter to Funchal. Not much benefitted, he returned in 1841, and after a while left, first for Southport, his native place, and, going to Wolverton for a while, passed away there.

To be continued at a later date…….