Contrasting Fortunes of War

Today marks the 80th anniversary of the Battle of the Denmark Strait, one of the most infamous naval battles of the Second World War.

On 18 May, the new German battleship Bismarck, at the time the most powerful battleship in the world, embarked on her maiden voyage, accompanied by the heavy-cruiser Prinz Eugen. Their mission was to attack the convoys bringing much-needed supplies to Britain from America.

Battleship Bismarck. Photo courtesy of Bundesarchiv, Bild 193-04-1-26 / CC-BY-SA 3.0

In response, the Admiralty deployed as much of the British Fleet as possible to intercept the Bismarck. On the evening of 23 May, the British heavy-cruisers HMS Norfolk and HMS Suffolk spotted the German ships passing through the Denmark Strait – the passage between Iceland and Greenland. The two cruisers, being totally out-gunned by the German ships did not engage then enemy, but reported their position to the Admiralty to enable them to send in bigger ships, able to engage the enemy with heavier fire-power. The cruisers continued to track the ships using radar throughout the night.

The nearest British ships capable of tackling the Germans were the brand-new battleship HMS Prince of Wales, and the Home Fleet flagship, and pride of the British Fleet – HMS Hood. Despite its immense size and reputation, and armed with eight 15-inch guns (the same as the Bismarck), the Hood was an old ship, having been launched in 1918. Furthermore, the Hood had been designed as a battlecruiser – a ship with the fire-power of a battleship, but with the speed of a cruiser. The extra speed was attained by sacrificing the strong armour of a traditional battleship, especially on the deck. This left the Hood very vulnerable to plunging fire.

HMS Hood

At approximately 05.35 on the morning of 24 May, a lookout aboard  the Prince of Wales spotted the German ships. The British ships turned towards the enemy to engage in battle, and at 05.50, Admiral Lancelot Holland, commander of the British taskforce, aboard HMS Hood, ordered the British ships to open fire when in range, and two minutes later, HMS Hood fired the first salvoes of the battle.

Within 8 minutes however, the unthinkable happened. A shell from the Bismarck struck the weak deck of the Hood and plunged through the ship, exploding in the armament magazine. The whole ship erupted in a fireball, broke in two, and sank immediately. From a crew of 1,418, there were three survivors.

The loss of the Hood, would send shockwaves around the world.

In the meantime, the Prince of Wales was being pounded by enemy fire, and unable to continue the battle alone, retreated. The admiralty, devastated by the loss of the Hood, made the immediate decision that the main priority was now to destroy the Bismarck at all costs.

After a thrilling chase across the Atlantic (the details of which are too complex to go into on this blog), on the morning of 27 May, the Bismarck, which had by this time been crippled by a torpedo from a Swordfish plane from the aircraft carrier HMS Ark Royal, was finally cornered by ships of the British fleet. The battleships HMS Rodney and HMS King George V devastated the Bismarck with gunfire, and the heavy-cruiser HMS Dorsetshire finished off the stricken ship with torpedoes. Of Bismarck’s 2,131 crew, there were 115 survivors.

Now we get to the Merthyr connection. Below are two cuttings taken from the Merthyr Express dated 21 June 1941 highlighting the two sides of the battle.

Merthyr Express – 21 June 1941
Merthyr Express – 21 June 1941

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

To read more about the Battle of the Denmark Strait, please visit http://www.hmshood.com/history/denmarkstrait/index.htm

Memories of Old Merthyr

We continue our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

An extract from the 1851 Public Health Map showing a more detailed view of the area covered in this article.

What may be called Ynysfach rows were close by, but we cross the bridge over the canal, and on the right was the coalyard of Waunwyllt. Just fancy! The coal was sold out in ‘drafts’ by one of Mrs Thomas’ sons. Coal or colliery proprietors would think it infra dig to let their sons do so now, and yet it was done, and done properly then with results that satisfied them.

The small cottage and workshop in the garden adjoining was the residence of the father of Penry Williams, one of, if not the greatest painters Wales has produced. John (*see below) Williams, whom I knew, was a clever artist, but was unfortunately deaf and dumb. The father and son carried on the glazing business here while Penry was in the zenith of his fame in Rome. There was also a sister, Miss Sophia Williams, who carried on a school for many years.

Penry Williams’ painting of his father’s cottage. Photo courtesy of Cyfarthfa Castle Museum & Art Gallery

In the house just around the corner Mr Abraham Jones, the nailer, resided and a timber yard followed. Upon the other side, the corner house, opposite the coalyard, was a grocery establishment, opened by a Mr Rees. He was connected with the Waunwyllt family, and if I mistake not, an ancestor of the family of that name of Lletty Shenkin.

Several small cottages followed, and the last house bordering the river was the Heathcock Inn, at one time kept by Mrs Williams after her husband had, with John Frost and William Jones, been banished to Australia for their connection with the Chartist rising.

We re now at the Iron Bridge – I mean the old one, going straight across to Ynysgau-not the modern one erected by the old Local Board, and going to Victoria Street. I have crossed it on many occasions, have felt its vibrations when a heavy load passed over a rough place, and yet always thought it was a well-developed structure, reflecting credit on some whose names I have never learnt. Remembering the time and state of knowledge when it was put up, it was a wonderful example of daring skill.

The Old Iron Bridge

Crossing this, the locality to the left was analagous to China. The road direct in front, leaving the chapel to the right, would bring us to an archway or a narrow opening over which the upstairs room of one of the houses extended, and to the end of Castle Street; but we turn at the foot of the bridge, and keeping the chapel on our left instead go down Bridge Street.

*Penry Williams’ father was named William – as can be seen from the portrait. The original writer either made an error with his name or he was actually known as John as well. We will probably never know!!!

Right – A portrait by Penry Williams of his father William. Photo courtesy of Cyfarthfa Castle Museum & Art Gallery

To be continued at a later date…….

 

 

**Many thanks to Dr John Taylor for the following….

Isn’t the “John”, referred to above, the deaf and dumb brother of Penry Williams? Accordingly, this would not conflict with the father’s name, William.  The deaf and dumb brother is made reference to in the blog post for 17 July 2020 ‘Death of Penry Williams’.

I think that clears up a lot – the original author could easily have been mistaken.

Merthyr’s Lost Landmarks: Pant Baths

by J Ann Lewis

The Pant open-air swimming baths opened in 1937 at a cost of £6,000. The cost was met with a 100% grant from the Special Commissioner for Distressed Areas. Concern was expressed, as the grant only covered the cost of the construction; maintenance had to be provided out of the rates and could prove expensive. When Henry Seymour Berry, Lord Buckland, gave the gift of the Gwaunfarren Baths, it was on the condition that the running cost of it never added to the rates.

Up to 1924, Merthyr had no public baths, other than the privately-owned Turkish Baths in Caedraw. There was also the old Gwaunfarren Open-Air Baths belonging to the Bolgoed Estate that was let out to whoever would rent it. Ultimately, it became derelict and was then abandoned. It was on that site the Gwaunfarren Indoor Baths were built and presented to the Mayor of Merthyr, Councillor L. M. Jones, and opened on 3 July 1924.

The opening day at Pant Baths. Photo courtesy of the Alan George Archive

The modern Pant pool was 100 ft long by 40 ft wide and 8 ft at the deepest end, and it was equipped with a 5-metre international diving stage, springboards and a chute. It had 16 changing cubicles for men and the same for women, and a great spectators’ gallery. The Pulsometer Engineering Co. installed the water filtration plant, but the delivery of sand for it delayed the opening. The lowest tender by Enoch Williams & Sons, Contractor, Dowlais, was signed on 28 May 1936.

In the same year, two local men were appointed Clerks of the Works; Thomas Dean of Penywern for Pant Baths , and Reginald McDonald of Gwladys Street, Pant, for the Edwardsville Baths which were being constructed at the same time. They experienced difficulty in obtaining carpenters, bricklayers, and steelworkers, and this, along with extremely wet weather further delayed the work. They eventually employed a foreman, 5 carpenters, a bricklayer and 3 labourers.

The chairman of the Corporation Baths Committee, Alderman Sam Jennings finally opened the baths on 20 May 1937.

Due to bad weather, the attendance was poor in the first few weeks, but picked up during August with 6,624 attending; £67 worth of receipts was taken. Unfortunately, during the warm weather, the tar from the asphalt surrounding the pool got onto the feet of the swimmers and caused discolouration of the water, so they subsequently covered the area with Cullamix (a hard wearing cement mix).

The pool held 180,000 gallons of water, and during the first quarter, ending 30 September 1937, 442,000 gallons had been used.

Pant Baths in the 1970s. Photo courtesy of J Ann Lewis.

It was well used during the warm summer months, and most of the local children learned to swim there, developing deep suntans – long before the dangers of sunbathing were learned. It was a great place for summer picnics, but on hot summer days, the queues to gain entrance were unbearable.

In 1985, and after years of use, the baths were in a shocking condition with graffiti covering the walls and windows boarded up. By July that year, the Council decided to demolish the baths, and accepted the lowest tender, submitted by Collinbourne Construction, for the sum of £5,575. It was advised that items of equipment from Pant Baths be utilised as a standby system at Gwaunfarren Baths.

It was a sad end for a place that had been such an important part of the community for many years.

Pant Baths being demolished in 1985. Photo courtesy of the Alan George archive.

Merthyr’s Heritage Plaques: Ursula Masson

by Keith Lewis-Jones

Ursula Masson
Plaque sited at Merthyr Central Library CF47 8AF

Ursula Masson (1945–2008), née O’Connor was born into the Irish community of Merthyr Tydfil, whose history she researched for her master’s degree. After university she worked as a journalist, at home in South Wales and in Australia, before returning to teach adults in Swansea.

In 1994 she became a lecturer in history at the University of Glamorgan. She worked closely with Jane Aaron and Honno Press, the Welsh Women’s Press, on the imprint Welsh Women’s Classics – to bring back into print the works of forgotten Welsh women writers of the 19th and 20th centuries.

A Lament for Sam Hughes – The Last Great Ophicleidist

By Professor Trevor Herbert

On 1st April 1898, Sam Hughes died in a small terraced house at Three Mile Cross on the outskirts of Reading. His widow, in grief and poverty, petitioned the Royal Society of Musicians for a small grant to pay for his funeral. The Society, which had treated him kindly in the closing years of his life, responded benevolently once more, for it was known that his passing marked the end of a significant, if brief, era. Sam Hughes was the last great ophicleide player. He was perhaps the only really great British ophicleide player. Many great romantic composers including Mendelssohn, Wagner and Berlioz wrote for the instrument, which was invented by a man called Halary in Paris in 1821 – three years before Sam Hughes was born. For the next half century it was widely used but few played it well. George Bernard Shaw regularly referred to it as the “chromatic bullock” but even he, whose caustic indignation was often vented on London’s brass players, had been moved by a rendering of O Ruddier than the Cherry by Mr Hughes.

The fate of the ophicleide (right) and the story of Sam Hughes provide a neat illustration of the pace and character of musical change in Britain in the Victorian period. One product of this change was the brass band “movement” – a movement which, if the untested claims of most authors on the subject are to be believed, had its origins in Wales. Despite Shaw’s claims that the ophicleide had been “born obsolete”, it died because it was consumed by the irresistible forces of technological invention and commercial exploitation. In particular, it was overtaken by the euphonium.

The euphonium was invented in the 1830s. It became popular some time later, but from the start it was easier to play and simpler and cheaper to manufacture. The makers ensured that the euphonium usurped the ophicleide’s position as the bass-baritone instrument in brass bands by contriving one of the neatest tricks of the 19th century. At brass band contests it was common to single out the best individual player of the day (irrespective of what instrument he performed on) and award him an elaborate prize – a sort of “man of the match” award. From the mid-century the winners of these awards were, with uncanny frequency, ophicleide players. Their prize was always a brand new euphonium. By about 1870 just about every good ophicleide player had “won” a euphonium.

The exception was Sam Hughes, who by that time had left the world of brass bands and was swanning around London with his ophicleide. He became professor of ophicleide at the Royal Military School of Music at Kneller Hall and at the Guildhall School of Music. He was destined for stardom with Jullien’s orchestra and to beguile George Bernard Shaw with O Ruddier than the Cherry at Covent Garden. In the mid-1850s Hughes was playing for the Cyfarthfa Brass Band in Merthyr Tydfil. Robert Thompson Crawshay, who had set up the band in 1838, had procured his services and arranged for him to have a job as a railway agent in Merthyr. He had apparently left by 1860, the year that the Cyfarthfa band came first at the great national contest at Crystal Palace. Their solo ophicleide player on that day was a man called Walker – he won a euphonium. The best brass band players in Wales were better than most of the professional brass players. The technical and artistic demands of the band repertoire were vastly greater than those of the orchestral repertoire. The likes of Sam Hughes demonstrated a touch that, by all accounts, drew gasps of admiration. The reasons why the players became so good and the consequences of that competence are worth thinking about.

The Cyfarthfa Band in the 1800s. Photo courtesy of http://www.alangeorge.co.uk/index.htm

Brass instruments were cheap and relatively easy to play. These two vital factors were pressed home by publishers, instrument manufacturers and everyone else who was astute enough to notice that an entire new market for music was opening. Musical literacy is easier to obtain than word literacy; to an extent, and unlike words, music looks like it sounds. It is possible, even probable, that many of the best 19th century brass band players (people who could play an Italian opera overture at sight) were otherwise illiterate.

Men like Sam Hughes were exemplars for those who followed. Their playing was heard by thousands at open-air contests and concerts. The brilliance of their playing was immediately evident and left little to doubt. Everyone could measure it. Musical skill is notorious for its lack of ambiguity; it is impossible to bluff your way through an ophicleide solo. The other issue of importance concerns the repertoire. While hymns and arrangements of Welsh folk songs are found in the surviving collections of music, the main body of the repertoire is classical or “art” music. Italian opera dominated the repertoire but Mozart, Haydn, Handel, Beethoven and Bach were also popular. (The adoption of Haydn and Handel as Christian names for boys came from this period). More modern music was also played. The Cyfarthfa repertoire included works by Wagner and a precociously talented local boy called Joseph Parry. Bands were the means by which instrumental art music became widely disseminated. The mass of the people had unequivocal access to this form of “high art”. They didn’t have to be able to read, and because most performances were in the open air, they didn’t even need the price of admission to hear the very best “modern music”.

The hand-written music from which players such as Sam Hughes played still survives. It provides unquestionable testimony as to how well the instruments were being played. Those who heard this playing did not just hear technical competence. They also heard musical virtuosity. Amidst the smoke and grime of Merthyr in the mid-19th century there sounded, on occasions, the lyricism of men like Sam Hughes. It was not just declamatory fanfares and scintillating chromatic runs that they played but gently turned phrases breathed softly above blocks of deep, sonorous harmony. Most brass band players lived and died where they were born. Sam Hughes died in poverty and a long way from home. The ophicleide died with him. There is a bitter irony in this story. Had he stayed in Merthyr he would have become Welsh. He would have died in comfort and security among people who admired him as one of their champions. Had he accepted the inevitable progress of technology and learned to play the euphonium he might even have died a rich man in London. He did neither.

Today Sam Hughes’s ophicleide rests in a glass case in Cyfarthfa Castle Museum. It is known throughout the world as one of the best surviving examples of its type. In the quest for authenticity, musicians are now learning to play the ophicleide again and clapped-out specimens are being lovingly restored. Hughes’ instrument plays as beautifully today as if the master had put it down just an hour ago.

Sam Hughes’ ophicleide (left) at Cyfarthfa Museum

The above is a much shortened version of an article which appeared in edition No.87 of Planet, The Welsh Internationalist.

Merthyr Historian Volume 31

The Merthyr Tydfil Historical Society is pleased to announce that, despite all of the difficulties due to Covid-19, volume 31 of the Merthyr Historian is now for sale.

Merthyr Historian Volume 31 – Contents

Chapter 1 Penydarren born Frank T Davies, 1904-1981, pioneer, geophysicist and polar explorer Roger Evans
Chapter 2 Science at the cusp: Caedraw 1887 and education in Merthyr John Fletcher
Chapter 3 ‘Whom the gods love, die young’: the frail genius of Harry Evans, conductor T Fred Holley & John Holley
Chapter 4 ‘Kathleen Ferrier slept in my bed’: musical celebrities and wartime Merthyr Vale Mair Attwood
Chapter 5 Robert Rees: the Morlais Nightingale Stephen Brewer
Chapter 6 The female drunkard in the mid nineteenth century Barrie Jones
Chapter 7 Cefn Glas: a forgotten colliery Clive Thomas
Chapter 8 Emlyn Davies, Dowlais Draper: a family flannel and local business history Alan Owen
Chapter 9 Merthyr relief and social work in the worst of times: Margaret Gardner (1889-1966) Christine Trevett
Chapter 10 Appeal and response, Merthyr’s need 1930-31, from The Skip Collection Clive Thomas & Christine Trevett
Chapter 11 Pulpit and platform, revival reservations and reforms: the work of the Rev John Thomas (1854-1911) at Soar, Merthyr Tydfil Noel Gibbard
Chapter 12 The Rev G M Maber, Merthyr and the poet Robert Southey’s Welsh Walks Barrie Jones
Chapter 13 The drums go bang, the cymbals clang. Three bands, Troedyrhiw 1921 T Fred Holley & John Holley
Chapter 14 The railways of Pant and Dowlais towards the end of steam Alistair V Phillips
Chapter 15 Book Review: Merthyr Tydfil Corporation Omnibus Dept. Keith L Lewis-Jones
Chapter 16 From Dudley to Dover and Dowlais: Black Country tram sales and their brief second careers Andrew Simpson
Chapter 18 ‘Here’s health to the Kaiser!’ Patriotic incident at Treharris, 1914 Christine Trevett
Chapter 19 Lady Charlotte and Sir John: the Guest family at large. A review essay on recent books Huw Williams
Chapter 20 Dr Brian Loosmore (1932-2019).  An Appreciation T Fred Holly
Chapter 21 ‘Rather less than four pence’: A case of benefits in Merthyr Tydfil in 1933 (transcribed)

John Dennithorne

It is a mammoth volume at350+ pages long and priced at £12.50 (plus postage & packing).

If anyone would like a copy of the book, please contact me at merthyr.history@gmail.com and I will forward your request to the appropriate person.

The Vale of Neath Railway

The Vale of Neath Railway was built to connect the industrial centres of Merthyr Tydfil and Aberdare to Neath to carry iron from Merthyr and coal from Aberdare, and then on to the docks at Swansea.

With the expansion of the railway network in South Wales and authorisation of the broad gauge South Wales Railway, which ran from Chepstow via Neath to Swansea, new opportunities arose for further expansion to capitalise on the industrial boom. Up until the 1840s, all the iron produced in Merthyr was transported via the docks at Cardiff.

H S Coke, the Town Clerk of Neath, and a solicitor by profession, was the driving force in promoting the idea of a railway following the River Neath, and connecting Merthyr with Neath; at Neath there would be the alternatives of onward railway transport on the South Wales Railway, or transfer to ships on the river. On 21 May 1845 he put his ideas to the provisional directors of the South Wales Railway. They were supportive, providing that Coke’s railway was also on the broad gauge system.

His intended route was from Neath up the relatively gentle valley as far as Glyn Neath; from there the line was to climb much more steeply and penetrate the mountain at the watershed, then descending the Cynon Valley to Cwmbach (near Aberdare) and turning north-east pass through another mountain by a long tunnel to reach Merthyr. There would be a branch to Aberdare itself.

Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

The Bill for the line went to the 1846 session of Parliament; Brunel as engineer gave evidence to the committees. He was questioned in detail about the gradients on the line, as the steep and lengthy gradients were not considered suitable for mineral lines. Brunel’s persuasive evidence carried the matter through, and the Vale of Neath Railway was authorised by Act of Parliament of 3 August 1846. Share capital was to be £550,000.

The first section to be opened was the main line from Neath to Gelli Tarw Junction, and the branch from there to Aberdare. Finally on 23 September 1851 a ceremonial opening train for directors and their friends ran from Neath to Aberdare. There were stations at Neath, jointly with the South Wales Railway, Aberdulais, Resolven, Glyn Neath, Hirwain, Merthyr Road, and Aberdare. Merthyr Road was the station for reaching Merthyr by a road connection.

The ordinary public service started on 24 September 1851, with three trains each way daily, two on Sundays. The journey time was 70 minutes.

Passenger traffic was immediately buoyant, but at first wharves at Briton Ferry were not ready to receive coal trains; the company had been relying on these. Moreover, there was a problem with silting at Swansea, so it was not until April 1852 that coal traffic was started. Ordinary goods traffic had started in December 1851.

The extension of the railway to Merthyr was delayed by the major engineering task of building a tunnel between Aberdare and Merthyr. In 1845, Isambard Kingdom Brunel had surveyed and prepared parliamentary plans for the Vale of Neath Railway, and these involved a 2,497-yard hole through the hill between Merthyr Tydfil and Aberdare, the second longest of Wales’ tunnels. 650 feet below ground at its deepest point. The tunnel, and subsequently the main line opened on 2 November 1853, with its terminus at the grand Central Merthyr Station, designed by Brunel.

Merthyr Railway Station in the 1950s. Photo courtesy of the Alan George Archive

In 1854 to 1857 further branches were opened from Gelli Tarw into the Dare and Amman valleys. These were only used for goods traffic, but included the Dare Viaduct, one of Isambard Kingdom Brunel’s famous timber viaducts.

Almost the whole of the Vale of Neath system had a third rail added to its tracks in 1863. This mixed gauge allowed the Great Western Railway to run standard gauge trains from Hereford through to Swansea over a connection at Middle Duffryn.

The broad gauge rail was removed after the South Wales Railway was converted to standard gauge on 11 May 1872, although by this time the Vale of Neath Railway had been amalgamated with the Great Western Railway, this happening on 1 February 1865.

The line depended for its business on coal mining, and as that industry declined, so the railway came into question. The Merthyr line passenger service was ended on 31 December 1962, and the main line lost its passenger service from 15 June 1964, and Glyn Neath to Hirwaun closed completely on 2 October 1967.

One of the last trains entering the Aberdare Tunnel on 29 December 1962. Photo courtesy of the Alan George archive.

On 29 November 1971 Aberdare (High Level station) to Middle Duffryn was closed completely.

The last train from Hirwaun to Merthyr waiting to leave Hirwaun Station on 29 December 1962. Photo courtesy of Keith Lewis-Jones